World debate championship and performance of Arab school
The Peninsula
Arab countries were eliminated early in the world championship debates hosted by Doha some time ago with 57 participating states, where the UAE was ranked the 27th, Qatar 32nd, Kuwait 34th, Sudan 38th, and Palestine in the place before last, 56th, as was initially anticipated. I did not expect more than that in light of the struggle for planting the seeds of democracy in the Arabian desert. In spite of that, I have not been as keen on a project in recent years with as much enthusiasm as I have been today for the debate project in schools. Unfortunately, most of the projects put forth today in the political, economic, educational, health, and, particularly, social realms have been dependent on social exhilaration, excitement, and false advertising, echoing throughout the media (which has transformed into a promotion campaign), without any real results.
Therefore, I would advise organisers of the Qatar Debates Centre not to go for over-embellishment and media gimmicks without a clear message and specific goal, to avoid backfire and loss of credibility. It is better to make the fruits of their labour speak for them. Everyone, near or far, will recognize the significant value of their project both in the present and the future. The operators have done well in dealing with the larger challenge of the Arabic language through the creation of a database to assist debate trainers in the Arabic language to produce innovative methods of training for the art of debating.
The reality of the Arab world is that it is lagging behind its foreign counterparts. The challenge lies in the use of the Arabic language and mechanisms underlying its theoretical concepts in order to achieve a gradual change in the internal mental structure of Arab societies. Rather than solely relying on the use of the English language, which may lead to a very polished external image and the opposite internally.
This reminds me of a time when I was studying abroad and introduced to the magical world of debates, which I learned very much from and accredit to building my awareness and shaping my personality. I still remember the English literature class, which relied on the art of debate in the delivery of information and comprehension of the lessons, that otherwise would have seemed dry and difficult to comprehend. There were many subjects, each multifaceted, ranging from literature to politics, intellectual, religious, cultural, and social issues. I noticed some students (myself included), and especially those who come from the Middle East and North Africa, had preconceived notions and ready-made, manufactured answers, that were subject to scrutiny, criticism, and dismantling. The professor would proceed to intelligently ask why students held certain views, and based on which evidence. After forming positions in the first lecture, we would be asked to argue against the very same argument, using evidence, in the next. What a way to learn! We didn’t recognize the value of this method of learning until growing up, as we had previously been critical of it, nicknaming our professor The Contradictory One. Through that method, we learned the proper way of acknowledging and understanding dissenting views, the meaning of tolerance. Rather than being prejudiced, we learned to carefully consider and examine solutions rather than issuing quick fixes, or belittling others and their points of views through isolation and marginalisation. We learned the profound meaning of Voltaire’s saying, “I may disagree with your opinion, but I will pay with my life for your right to express it”, and the wisdom of Imam Shafi’i: “My opinion is correct but has grounds to be mistaken, and someone else’s opinion is mistaken but has grounds to be correct”.
A report conducted by Pan Arab Media indicates that, a century and a half ago, in 1860, the first and most famous debate in recent history took place between a member of Congress, Abraham Lincoln, a Republican, and Senator Stephen Douglas, a democrat. It consisted of seven debates, some in the congressional elections , and some in the presidential election, laying the foundation of the presidential election debates. Most significant of this first debate was the main topic, dealing with slave trade and ownership. As was common practice at that time during debates, each candidate spoke for one hour, then half an hour was allotted for the opposition to respond. In the beginning, Douglas spoke and engaged the audience with tactical questions such as, “do you want a black citizen to be equal to you?”, and some of them exclaimed, “no!” Then he asked, “do you want black-owned farms, such as your farms? And wealth, such as your wealth?”, enticing some to chant, “no!” He was followed by Lincoln who focused on aspects of human rights clauses, and values of equality and freedom in the Constitution, and the Declaration of Independence which was digested from the majority in its infancy, and asked, “Did God create people equal?”, and some of them exclaimed, “yes!” He then asked, “Why not commit ourselves to the Constitution and human rights?”, promoting some to proclaim, shyly, “yes we can, yes we can”, which is the same slogan used by President Obama to become the first black man to reach the White House. It took Lincoln two years before winning the presidency, in which he entered debates, posing arguments, and presenting evidence.
He won some and lost others, all in an attempt to build a new concepts of citizenship, equality, and human rights regardless of origin, race and beliefs. It took another two years after that for the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation, and then another three years before declaring war and triumphing on the southern states of Confederation, which refused to free slaves.
Qatar’s hosting of the World Schools Debating Championships (2010), which ended a few days ago, calls for pride. Despite the lack of any Arab teams qualifying for the championships, the participation of some Arab countries in and of itself is an achievement and a driving force to progressing forward. I wish for the day that the art of debating is taught within the curricula of Arabic classes, disseminated in civil society organizations, and Arab media, reaching minds and hearts, thereby encouraging the Arab community to overcome the culture of a single opinion, single mindset, single party, and single leader forever. Hopefully, it will propel the Arab community into the Age of Enlightenment, to catch up with the rest of the world.
الأربعاء، 5 مايو 2010
concerns of media
Addressing the concerns of media
The Peninsula
Through the media, Qatar’s political, economic, and social progress is preserved. A comprehensive strategy is necessary to encompass Qatar’s media body, which was dismantled 12 years ago as a result of the dissolution of the Ministry of Information.
The establishment of the Doha Center for Media Freedom reignited concerns regarding the status of the media in Qatar, as well as the obstacles faced day after day. It is clear that the seriousness of the challenges facing local media, the need for mobility, and the importance of radical change have yet to be grasped.
This is evidenced by inefficient public participation of the parties most concerned with and affected by the issues at hand; freedom of expression and publication. It should be noted that the forums, conferences and lectures addressing the press or media in Qatar in general have become similar to memorial ceremonies reminiscing the glories of the past.
There is much concern over the Penal Code restricting freedom of expression, the absence of a private association of journalists and media professionals gathered under one umbrella, Qatari journalists of both genders that flee from local media participation, legitimacy of references, and absence of ethical legislation governing the profession, and so forth.
What distinguishes the initiative called for by the Doha Center for Media Freedom is a great effort towards its formulation stemming mostly from active participants in the media and press laws in Qatar.
The analysis monitors the most important ailments suffered by the media after the dissolution of the Ministry of Information in 1998, and writes a prescription for antidotes, the most significant of which demands the cancellation of Press and Publications Law No. (8) for the year of 1979, which was passed in over 30 years, and has since become incompatible with the spirit of the modern constitution. It does not keep pace with the increasing diversity of media, from satellite channels to Internet sites, and the proliferation of newspapers and publications.
The law contains retroactive penalising terms of restricting freedom of expression, such as imprisonment, arrest, and fines. The analysis highlights a need to expedite the enactment of a modern law governing Press and Publication, promoting the principle of freedom, and raising the bar of expression not only in Qatar but in the Arab region as a whole.
The modernised law should advocate the implementation of decisions that would bring about progress in the country, where Qatar is among the first of Arab states to abolish its Ministry of Information, leading to the distribution of competencies, the creation of Al Jazeera and its counterparts, the Doha Center for Media Freedom, the Arab Foundation for Democracy, and the great edifice of the Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development.
However, despite all of these changes, there was not a similar openness, mobility, or real change reflected on the status of domestic press and media. Institutions within this realm have been left out of these changes, becoming outdated.
In addition, there are calls for drafting an honourary Charter of the Press, unified across the Arab world, as a show of solidarity with fellow journalists subjected to any kind of violations. In today’s world freedom of expression is the very criteria used when judging and classifying countries according to the status of rights granted to those on its soil.
Qatar’s media today lack integration and a comprehensive strategy to set a unified vision, objectives and roles to be played at a local, regional, or international level.
Despite the fact that our society is relatively small, and we live in a peninsula on the Gulf Coast, our media seem to live on even smaller islands isolated from each other, separated by distances of time and space. This is what has been observed in seminars, conferences, and forums that bring together the press, television, radio, Al Jazeera, and the Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development, and private universities.
We have all the capabilities and capacity to become a model of excellence for the region. Interest in the development of the press and media in Qatar must be at the top of our national priorities, initiated through legislation, and the development of a comprehensive strategy to unite the body of media that has become disjointed after the dissolution of the Ministry of Information. We must deal with arrears and freedoms of expression at a regional and international level, and become a reference point for future applications.
The Peninsula
Through the media, Qatar’s political, economic, and social progress is preserved. A comprehensive strategy is necessary to encompass Qatar’s media body, which was dismantled 12 years ago as a result of the dissolution of the Ministry of Information.
The establishment of the Doha Center for Media Freedom reignited concerns regarding the status of the media in Qatar, as well as the obstacles faced day after day. It is clear that the seriousness of the challenges facing local media, the need for mobility, and the importance of radical change have yet to be grasped.
This is evidenced by inefficient public participation of the parties most concerned with and affected by the issues at hand; freedom of expression and publication. It should be noted that the forums, conferences and lectures addressing the press or media in Qatar in general have become similar to memorial ceremonies reminiscing the glories of the past.
There is much concern over the Penal Code restricting freedom of expression, the absence of a private association of journalists and media professionals gathered under one umbrella, Qatari journalists of both genders that flee from local media participation, legitimacy of references, and absence of ethical legislation governing the profession, and so forth.
What distinguishes the initiative called for by the Doha Center for Media Freedom is a great effort towards its formulation stemming mostly from active participants in the media and press laws in Qatar.
The analysis monitors the most important ailments suffered by the media after the dissolution of the Ministry of Information in 1998, and writes a prescription for antidotes, the most significant of which demands the cancellation of Press and Publications Law No. (8) for the year of 1979, which was passed in over 30 years, and has since become incompatible with the spirit of the modern constitution. It does not keep pace with the increasing diversity of media, from satellite channels to Internet sites, and the proliferation of newspapers and publications.
The law contains retroactive penalising terms of restricting freedom of expression, such as imprisonment, arrest, and fines. The analysis highlights a need to expedite the enactment of a modern law governing Press and Publication, promoting the principle of freedom, and raising the bar of expression not only in Qatar but in the Arab region as a whole.
The modernised law should advocate the implementation of decisions that would bring about progress in the country, where Qatar is among the first of Arab states to abolish its Ministry of Information, leading to the distribution of competencies, the creation of Al Jazeera and its counterparts, the Doha Center for Media Freedom, the Arab Foundation for Democracy, and the great edifice of the Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development.
However, despite all of these changes, there was not a similar openness, mobility, or real change reflected on the status of domestic press and media. Institutions within this realm have been left out of these changes, becoming outdated.
In addition, there are calls for drafting an honourary Charter of the Press, unified across the Arab world, as a show of solidarity with fellow journalists subjected to any kind of violations. In today’s world freedom of expression is the very criteria used when judging and classifying countries according to the status of rights granted to those on its soil.
Qatar’s media today lack integration and a comprehensive strategy to set a unified vision, objectives and roles to be played at a local, regional, or international level.
Despite the fact that our society is relatively small, and we live in a peninsula on the Gulf Coast, our media seem to live on even smaller islands isolated from each other, separated by distances of time and space. This is what has been observed in seminars, conferences, and forums that bring together the press, television, radio, Al Jazeera, and the Qatar Foundation for Education, Science and Community Development, and private universities.
We have all the capabilities and capacity to become a model of excellence for the region. Interest in the development of the press and media in Qatar must be at the top of our national priorities, initiated through legislation, and the development of a comprehensive strategy to unite the body of media that has become disjointed after the dissolution of the Ministry of Information. We must deal with arrears and freedoms of expression at a regional and international level, and become a reference point for future applications.
GCC civil society
GCC civil society: The paradoxes of Saudi Arabia and Qatar
The Peninsula
One of the headlines of GCC press that has attracted my attention in the past few days is the announcement of a Saudi Arabian member of the press that he has officially submitted a request to the Ministry of Social Affairs in Saudi Arabia to form a society aiming for “sympathy toward men under the domination of women”.
Amongst the reasons the journalist cites for establishing this society is the neglect of men by their wives under the guise of working or care for children. He described this form of neglect as being unacceptable to many classes of men, pointing out that women abandoning their duties toward men are no longer an individual case, but has become a widespread phenomenon, especially with the reliance on domestic servants in conducting matters of the home. The journalist added that the financial independence of women has negatively impacted marital relations, since the wife does not contribute to household expenses despite dedicating time to work rather than the home. As for wives who do not work, they demand luxurious services for spending leisure time, including a car and driver, and shopping allowances, all the while depending on maids to take on their domestic duties. He also pointed out that the membership should, of course, be limited to men, and provided for no fee, just the moral support to other men in lifting the domination exercised by women on them.
Perhaps Saudi women’s action after this incident is a more mature and acceptable manner of dealing with complex issues in the community. A group of women joined together to obtain a license from the Ministry of Social Affairs in an effort to establish a society called , “Mowada” (or “Empathy”) for the treatment of divorce cases. They aim to anticipate and treat problems contributing to divorce through committees comprising of 31 women and a commission made up entirely of male lawyers, religious scholars, businessmen, and jurists. This society has received the approval of the Ministry of Social Affairs on February 17, 2010, and has become the first Assembly of Saudi Arabia on issue of divorce. The women’s association will have male support through the commission of men, because the ministry does not provide a licence for co-gender committees.
What is striking in this and other news is that it illustrates the authenticity and dynamic nature of rapid social mobility, which began in alternate sectors of Saudi society in various fields, especially in the area of civil society and its associated institutions. Although this movement came late for other Gulf communities, it is beginning to take root as they race one another to reform civil society institutions.
In Saudi Arabia, there are now over five hundred associations contributing to the State through support and education, including associations of medicine, engineering, geology, accounting, economics and management, journalism and literature. In addition, charitable associations and the Human Rights Association, which are players in everyday life, and whose activities are prominent and benefits are considerable. The members of the Saudi Shura Council have recently drafted a new system for civil associations and institutions that is awaiting Cabinet’s approval in the forthcoming days. This is a promising development of enhancing the quality, development, and activation of the role of civil society institutions in Saudi Arabia. This is especially the case since the drafted project seeks to regulate and develop civil action, and aims to involve citizens in community management and development, as stated in its first article. The project seeks the formation of an independent body on behalf of the national associations and institutions aimed at the organization of civil work and development and facilitating the tasks of associations and institutions, providing them with protection and support in overcoming difficulties they may encounter.
How have the tables been turned so dramatically? After Qatar was one of the first Gulf countries absorbing the need for change through the structure of society, the formulation of laws, and civil society on the principle of participation, the Qatari Council of Ministers did not pass the proposal of the Shura Council, and have instead suspended the provisions of the current law on associations, institutions, the drafting of a new civilised law. This leads one to question: what are the seeds we want to plant today to see fruits tomorrow?
The Peninsula
One of the headlines of GCC press that has attracted my attention in the past few days is the announcement of a Saudi Arabian member of the press that he has officially submitted a request to the Ministry of Social Affairs in Saudi Arabia to form a society aiming for “sympathy toward men under the domination of women”.
Amongst the reasons the journalist cites for establishing this society is the neglect of men by their wives under the guise of working or care for children. He described this form of neglect as being unacceptable to many classes of men, pointing out that women abandoning their duties toward men are no longer an individual case, but has become a widespread phenomenon, especially with the reliance on domestic servants in conducting matters of the home. The journalist added that the financial independence of women has negatively impacted marital relations, since the wife does not contribute to household expenses despite dedicating time to work rather than the home. As for wives who do not work, they demand luxurious services for spending leisure time, including a car and driver, and shopping allowances, all the while depending on maids to take on their domestic duties. He also pointed out that the membership should, of course, be limited to men, and provided for no fee, just the moral support to other men in lifting the domination exercised by women on them.
Perhaps Saudi women’s action after this incident is a more mature and acceptable manner of dealing with complex issues in the community. A group of women joined together to obtain a license from the Ministry of Social Affairs in an effort to establish a society called , “Mowada” (or “Empathy”) for the treatment of divorce cases. They aim to anticipate and treat problems contributing to divorce through committees comprising of 31 women and a commission made up entirely of male lawyers, religious scholars, businessmen, and jurists. This society has received the approval of the Ministry of Social Affairs on February 17, 2010, and has become the first Assembly of Saudi Arabia on issue of divorce. The women’s association will have male support through the commission of men, because the ministry does not provide a licence for co-gender committees.
What is striking in this and other news is that it illustrates the authenticity and dynamic nature of rapid social mobility, which began in alternate sectors of Saudi society in various fields, especially in the area of civil society and its associated institutions. Although this movement came late for other Gulf communities, it is beginning to take root as they race one another to reform civil society institutions.
In Saudi Arabia, there are now over five hundred associations contributing to the State through support and education, including associations of medicine, engineering, geology, accounting, economics and management, journalism and literature. In addition, charitable associations and the Human Rights Association, which are players in everyday life, and whose activities are prominent and benefits are considerable. The members of the Saudi Shura Council have recently drafted a new system for civil associations and institutions that is awaiting Cabinet’s approval in the forthcoming days. This is a promising development of enhancing the quality, development, and activation of the role of civil society institutions in Saudi Arabia. This is especially the case since the drafted project seeks to regulate and develop civil action, and aims to involve citizens in community management and development, as stated in its first article. The project seeks the formation of an independent body on behalf of the national associations and institutions aimed at the organization of civil work and development and facilitating the tasks of associations and institutions, providing them with protection and support in overcoming difficulties they may encounter.
How have the tables been turned so dramatically? After Qatar was one of the first Gulf countries absorbing the need for change through the structure of society, the formulation of laws, and civil society on the principle of participation, the Qatari Council of Ministers did not pass the proposal of the Shura Council, and have instead suspended the provisions of the current law on associations, institutions, the drafting of a new civilised law. This leads one to question: what are the seeds we want to plant today to see fruits tomorrow?
Qatari Authority for charitable activities
Dissolution of Qatari Authority for charitable activities is a setback
The Peninsula
“Where is the Qatari Authority for Charitable Activities?” This was the focus of questions of fellow Muslim and Arab delegations who met on the occasion of the Third Conference of the Humanitarian and Civil Society Organizations in member states of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) held in Doha. There were hopes that the conference, which runs under the slogan of, “together for effective solidarity”, would be attended by the Secretary-General of the OIC. Despite his apology for non-attendance, the conference was attended by representatives from over 70 charitable and humanitarian organisations of 35 member states of the organization.
The Third Conference focused on two main issues; first, collaboration between humanitarian organizations in preparation for and response to disasters in the Muslim world, and, second, on strengthening cooperation between humanitarian organisations and the OIC. The conference is one of the most prominent projects undertaken by the Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities, which sponsored the event and contributed to its success and continuity. This was affirmed by the president of Senegal, whose country hosted the First Conference. It is surprising to find that the “Godfather” of the OIC was not present in the ceremony of the conference’s third annum, especially since it is he who was selected for this commitment since its inception.
The additional absence of Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities, which was recently dissolved after gaining prominence in the Arab and Muslim world, also raised several eyebrows. It was particularly surprising to participants from the GCC, namely the delegations of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE, who are most aware of Qatar’s experience, having studied and been guided by its pace, especially in the organisation of charitable work and humanitarian activities carried out by private associations and institutions, and building partnerships with organisations and international institutions. While some Gulf states are currently awaiting decisions approving the establishment of independent supervisory and regulatory work of assemblies and civil society institutions in their home countries in the forthcoming days, current news regarding Qatar’s dissolution of the Qatari Authority and distribution of its duties was met with astonishment. It is somewhat similar to a setback since Qatar is regarded as a leader in the region. Kuwait signed a contract last month with the British Charity Commission, overseeing and controlling beyond 200,000 British charities and launching over 15,000 charities annually, in addition to its contract with the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC), which provides civil training specialized in non-governmental charitable work and training, rehabilitation and capacity building. The irony is that the first signing of an effective partnership between an Arab-Islamic association and both the Centre and the British Charity Commission was conducted by the Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities.
The work of humanitarian institutions and civil non-profit Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) is derived from the concept of volunteer organisations that fulfill the public sphere lying in between the family and society to achieve the interests of its members. NGOs are committed to the values and norms of respect, compromise, tolerance, and peaceful management of diversity and disagreement. Adopting such values corresponds with optimal progression and social development, which ultimately results in manufacturing of civil society.
Some time ago, the Arab Network for NGOs was launched, chaired by Prince Talal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. The network is a unique, pioneering work.
With globalization, civil society has gained international, wide-ranging dimensions, leading to the emergence of key roles in effective institutions, and significant effects on global civic organizations. This has led civil society to play humanitarian roles across countries and continents, making significant achievements, thereby earning both deep respect and envy due to their weight from governmental and quasi-governmental organisations.
The changes that took place during the past 10 years in the structure of Qatari civil society were swift with a far-reaching impact, starting from the imposition of laws that cripple and restrict the establishment of associations, such as Law No. (12) of 2004 on associations and private institutions. Through the amendment of the Act a few days ago, the amount of capital required for the establishment of associations and private institutions was increased to a minimum of 10 million riyals, as well as the dissolution of the body responsible for planning, developing , and activating the role of civil society institutions, transferring its responsibilities to a mere department, rather than transforming it into a comprehensive, independent sector, otherwise known in today’s world as the Third Sector.
The Peninsula
“Where is the Qatari Authority for Charitable Activities?” This was the focus of questions of fellow Muslim and Arab delegations who met on the occasion of the Third Conference of the Humanitarian and Civil Society Organizations in member states of the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) held in Doha. There were hopes that the conference, which runs under the slogan of, “together for effective solidarity”, would be attended by the Secretary-General of the OIC. Despite his apology for non-attendance, the conference was attended by representatives from over 70 charitable and humanitarian organisations of 35 member states of the organization.
The Third Conference focused on two main issues; first, collaboration between humanitarian organizations in preparation for and response to disasters in the Muslim world, and, second, on strengthening cooperation between humanitarian organisations and the OIC. The conference is one of the most prominent projects undertaken by the Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities, which sponsored the event and contributed to its success and continuity. This was affirmed by the president of Senegal, whose country hosted the First Conference. It is surprising to find that the “Godfather” of the OIC was not present in the ceremony of the conference’s third annum, especially since it is he who was selected for this commitment since its inception.
The additional absence of Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities, which was recently dissolved after gaining prominence in the Arab and Muslim world, also raised several eyebrows. It was particularly surprising to participants from the GCC, namely the delegations of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE, who are most aware of Qatar’s experience, having studied and been guided by its pace, especially in the organisation of charitable work and humanitarian activities carried out by private associations and institutions, and building partnerships with organisations and international institutions. While some Gulf states are currently awaiting decisions approving the establishment of independent supervisory and regulatory work of assemblies and civil society institutions in their home countries in the forthcoming days, current news regarding Qatar’s dissolution of the Qatari Authority and distribution of its duties was met with astonishment. It is somewhat similar to a setback since Qatar is regarded as a leader in the region. Kuwait signed a contract last month with the British Charity Commission, overseeing and controlling beyond 200,000 British charities and launching over 15,000 charities annually, in addition to its contract with the International NGO Training and Research Centre (INTRAC), which provides civil training specialized in non-governmental charitable work and training, rehabilitation and capacity building. The irony is that the first signing of an effective partnership between an Arab-Islamic association and both the Centre and the British Charity Commission was conducted by the Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities.
The work of humanitarian institutions and civil non-profit Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) is derived from the concept of volunteer organisations that fulfill the public sphere lying in between the family and society to achieve the interests of its members. NGOs are committed to the values and norms of respect, compromise, tolerance, and peaceful management of diversity and disagreement. Adopting such values corresponds with optimal progression and social development, which ultimately results in manufacturing of civil society.
Some time ago, the Arab Network for NGOs was launched, chaired by Prince Talal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. The network is a unique, pioneering work.
With globalization, civil society has gained international, wide-ranging dimensions, leading to the emergence of key roles in effective institutions, and significant effects on global civic organizations. This has led civil society to play humanitarian roles across countries and continents, making significant achievements, thereby earning both deep respect and envy due to their weight from governmental and quasi-governmental organisations.
The changes that took place during the past 10 years in the structure of Qatari civil society were swift with a far-reaching impact, starting from the imposition of laws that cripple and restrict the establishment of associations, such as Law No. (12) of 2004 on associations and private institutions. Through the amendment of the Act a few days ago, the amount of capital required for the establishment of associations and private institutions was increased to a minimum of 10 million riyals, as well as the dissolution of the body responsible for planning, developing , and activating the role of civil society institutions, transferring its responsibilities to a mere department, rather than transforming it into a comprehensive, independent sector, otherwise known in today’s world as the Third Sector.
children of Qatari women married to foreigners
Discrimination against children of Qatari women married to foreigners
The Peninsula
In a symposium at Qatar University last week, the Chairman of the National Human Rights Committee indicated that Qatar has acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination, International Convention on the Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, International Convention for the Rights of the Child, and the Optional Protocol I to the Convention on the Child, amongst others. Perhaps the problem does not lie in adherence to conventions but in their translation into operational policies on the ground, a role that must be played by civil society organizations almost nonexistent in Qatar.
The Chairman pointed out that Qatar is considering accession to the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Hopefully, those considerations swiftly develop into strategic decisions as they represent the biggest challenge facing Qatari society. Ironically, Qatar began progressing several years ahead of many GCC and neighbouring countries, but has stalled since. The Commission, in cooperation with the Supreme Council for Family, has to be commended for conducting a study to be submitted to the Council of Ministers on the potential for bringing the rights of Qatari women’s children into equality with others.
Public participation in such issues is important to raise national awareness and build consensus, rather than imposing decisions from above.
In a recent questionnaire published by Al-Watan, respondents were asked about their support in granting Qatari citizenship to the children of Qatari women married to foreigners. Eighty-one percent of the respondents indicated their support, which is distinctively eye-catching in comparison to similar polls taken place in other GCC countries, where social strife, sectarian fanaticism, and tribalism play a major role in the high rate of rejection of the same issue.
Although the constitutional articles of GCC countries guarantee human dignity and equality of citizens before the law without discrimination on grounds of sex, origin, language, or religion, the law clearly makes a distinction between men and women regarding granting citizenship to children. A child born to a Qatari man married to a foreigner is granted citizenship without limitation. However, if born to a Qatari woman married to a foreigner, the child does not acquire citizenship, apart from some near impossible exceptions. What is worst, divorced GCC women are sometimes denied their children if the father is foreign because the law does not ensure mother’s custody.
This same issue was dealt with in a civilised and humane manner in other Arab countries such as Egypt, and it is anticipated that the UAE will formally announce amending their maternal citizenship law, hopefully encouraging other GCC countries to follow.
A study of citizenship in Arab countries conducted by Dr Fares indicates that a democratic, clear and precise concept of citizenship is nonexistent, and identifies the most important problems as granting males citizens more rights than women, more rights to citizens by birth than naturalisation, open citizenship to some religious sects than others, and exclusionary civil citizenship recognising rights of those born in the community whilst denying the naturalisation of residents in the community for several generations of most basic civil and legal rights.
Unfortunately, there is no institutional, strategic vision for community or national integration. Acquisition of full citizenship is not linked to concepts of national belonging, awareness of history, culture, sacrifice for the nation, or respect for legal, social, and constitutional values.
Rather, citizenship is built on self-interest purely in a political context without effective means to enshrine the concept of community integration on the ground. Laws of nationality, residency, election, and legal positions within international agreements are inconsistent with constitutional provisions of indiscriminate citizenship.
Therefore, it is necessary to draft a new social contract of citizenship and form a civil community that adopts basic human rights principles, while understanding that national belonging, allegiance, and equal citizenship are not impulsive, but coupled with education through training as citizens are involved in decision-making.
The basic steps to strengthen national, humane positions in this long postponed issue are -- grant Qatari women married to foreigners custody of their children without specifying the age of children, equal bonuses as other married employees, citizenship to their foreign husbands in order to accompany wives for medical treatment or overseas education, and equal rights to their children as other citizens such as owning property, health insurance, education sponsorships, and employment opportunities.
The Peninsula
In a symposium at Qatar University last week, the Chairman of the National Human Rights Committee indicated that Qatar has acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination, International Convention on the Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, International Convention for the Rights of the Child, and the Optional Protocol I to the Convention on the Child, amongst others. Perhaps the problem does not lie in adherence to conventions but in their translation into operational policies on the ground, a role that must be played by civil society organizations almost nonexistent in Qatar.
The Chairman pointed out that Qatar is considering accession to the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Hopefully, those considerations swiftly develop into strategic decisions as they represent the biggest challenge facing Qatari society. Ironically, Qatar began progressing several years ahead of many GCC and neighbouring countries, but has stalled since. The Commission, in cooperation with the Supreme Council for Family, has to be commended for conducting a study to be submitted to the Council of Ministers on the potential for bringing the rights of Qatari women’s children into equality with others.
Public participation in such issues is important to raise national awareness and build consensus, rather than imposing decisions from above.
In a recent questionnaire published by Al-Watan, respondents were asked about their support in granting Qatari citizenship to the children of Qatari women married to foreigners. Eighty-one percent of the respondents indicated their support, which is distinctively eye-catching in comparison to similar polls taken place in other GCC countries, where social strife, sectarian fanaticism, and tribalism play a major role in the high rate of rejection of the same issue.
Although the constitutional articles of GCC countries guarantee human dignity and equality of citizens before the law without discrimination on grounds of sex, origin, language, or religion, the law clearly makes a distinction between men and women regarding granting citizenship to children. A child born to a Qatari man married to a foreigner is granted citizenship without limitation. However, if born to a Qatari woman married to a foreigner, the child does not acquire citizenship, apart from some near impossible exceptions. What is worst, divorced GCC women are sometimes denied their children if the father is foreign because the law does not ensure mother’s custody.
This same issue was dealt with in a civilised and humane manner in other Arab countries such as Egypt, and it is anticipated that the UAE will formally announce amending their maternal citizenship law, hopefully encouraging other GCC countries to follow.
A study of citizenship in Arab countries conducted by Dr Fares indicates that a democratic, clear and precise concept of citizenship is nonexistent, and identifies the most important problems as granting males citizens more rights than women, more rights to citizens by birth than naturalisation, open citizenship to some religious sects than others, and exclusionary civil citizenship recognising rights of those born in the community whilst denying the naturalisation of residents in the community for several generations of most basic civil and legal rights.
Unfortunately, there is no institutional, strategic vision for community or national integration. Acquisition of full citizenship is not linked to concepts of national belonging, awareness of history, culture, sacrifice for the nation, or respect for legal, social, and constitutional values.
Rather, citizenship is built on self-interest purely in a political context without effective means to enshrine the concept of community integration on the ground. Laws of nationality, residency, election, and legal positions within international agreements are inconsistent with constitutional provisions of indiscriminate citizenship.
Therefore, it is necessary to draft a new social contract of citizenship and form a civil community that adopts basic human rights principles, while understanding that national belonging, allegiance, and equal citizenship are not impulsive, but coupled with education through training as citizens are involved in decision-making.
The basic steps to strengthen national, humane positions in this long postponed issue are -- grant Qatari women married to foreigners custody of their children without specifying the age of children, equal bonuses as other married employees, citizenship to their foreign husbands in order to accompany wives for medical treatment or overseas education, and equal rights to their children as other citizens such as owning property, health insurance, education sponsorships, and employment opportunities.
الإنسان في قطر.. الوجه الآخر
2010-05-05
هل حان الوقت لفتح ملفاتنا المغلقة والتحدث عنها بصر احة وشفافية؟
لماذا يمتنع إعلامنا عن نشر تقارير عالمية تقدم رؤية تحليلية واقعية للمجتمع القطري؟
تقرير "نيويورك تايمز" سلط الضوء على جوانب محورية من حياة القطريين
لم يعد هناك مكان للترويج الدعائي والتهليل والتصفيق وحرق البخور..في عصر العولمة!
السؤال الذي بدأ يثير العديد من التساؤلات المحيرة والمستهجنة أيضا، هو لماذا يمتنع الكثير من الصحف ووسائل الإعلام في قطر عن تناول التقارير العالمية أو الدولية، التي تقدم رؤية تحليلية واقعية للمجتمع القطري، رغما أنها تنشر في وسائل الإعلام الأجنبية والعربية والخليجية وتنقلها المنتديات والمواقع الالكترونية القطرية، ورغم ذلك لا نجد لها أي إشارة في الإعلام المحلي بكل وسائله من تلفزيون وإذاعة وصحافة؟!. تقارير ودراسات كثيرة تنشر بشكل سنوي ودوري تتناول التنمية البشرية في قطر، وأوضاع حقوق الإنسان من وجهة نظر المنظمات العالمية، المجتمع المدني، التغيير في المنظومة الاجتماعية والفكرية، الأوضاع الصحية والنفسية وغيرها. لقد تجاهل بعض الصحف في قطر نشر أو تناول أو التعليق على التقرير، الذي أوردته أشهر صحيفة في العالم على صفحتها الرئيسية في الأسبوع الماضي، وهي صحيفة النيويورك تايمز، تحت عنوان، الثراء يضع خيارات غير صحية في قطر (Privilege Pulls Qatar Toward Unhealthy Choices)، (الترجمة بتصرف)، الأمر الذي اهتمت به وسائل الإعلام العالمية واستأثر بنصيب كبير من التعليقات المختلفة، هل تم التجاهل لان التقرير لم يكن كتلك التقارير، التي اعتدنا عليها في الخليج في السنوات الأخيرة، التي يطرب لها بعض الآذان، خصوصا في الدوحة ودبي والمنامة والكويت بالذات، على شاكلة "المعجزات الصحراوية" أسطورة الصحراء، "ومدن تنبت وسط الكثبان الذهبية"، إلى أن تغير الحال كما نرى يوما بعد الآخر، والتغيير جاء بالتحديد فاجعا بعد كارثة الأزمة الاقتصادية العالمية الأخيرة، فتحول الحديث إلى عناوين مثل "الإمارة والقرية الفقاعة"، و"الجزر الصناعية التي تغوص في الرمال الصحراوية المتحركة"، و"غياب الإنسان والتحسر على بقايا العمران". ورغم ردود الأفعال المتسرعة أحيانا في الإشادة أوالانتقاد، فإن وسائل الإعلام العالمية اليوم تتجاوز الحديث عن الصورة العامة الخارجية، التي لا تكون عاكسة للوضع الحقيقي الداخلي، إلى تقارير مفصلة ودقيقة تركز على عناصر التناقض في المجتمع العالمي، خصوصا العالم العربي؟! مثل الذين يتحدثون عن الديمقراطية في مجتمعات تحكم بقوانين الطوارئ، والتعددية في بلدان تدار من قبل الحزب الواحد، والاستقلالية في المؤسسات المدنية، التي تكون محسوبة على النظام والحكومة، وعن الحرية والتعبير في المؤسسات الصحفية والإعلامية المرتبطة بمؤسسات ووزارات الإعلام وهكذا.
التقرير لم يتطرق إلى "الجزيرة" المحطة العربية الأولى، ومؤسسة قطر للثقافة والعلوم والمجتمع وجامعاتها، ولا المبادرات الدبلوماسية الخارجية، بل ركز على وضعية المحور الرئيسي، وهو الإنسان، الذي يعيش فوق هذه الأرض الطيبة، يشير التقرير إلى أن قطر بالرغم من صغرها، تتميز بالأرقام الكبيرة، حيث يوجد بها ثاني أعلى إجمالي ناتج محلي بالنسبة للفرد في العالم، وثالث أعلى احتياطي غاز طبيعي، ومع ذلك، تحتل ترتيبا متقدما في أشياء أخرى غير مرغوب فيها بدرجة كبيرة، حيث إنها من أكثر الدول التي ينتشر بها مرض السكري والسمنة والاضطرابات الجينية، وذلك حسبما أجمع عليه خبراء صحة (محليون ودوليون)؟! وبحسب الصحيفة فإن القطريين الأصليين، الذين يبلغ عددهم نحو 250 ألف نسمة في دولة يبلغ عدد سكانها 1.6 مليون، يعانون من مشكلات صحية خطيرة ترتبط بصورة مباشرة بنمط حياة له خصوصية وتقف وراءه الثروة البترولية والإصرار على الالتزام بتقاليد مجتمعية مثل زواج الأقارب، الذي قد يؤدي إلى اضطرابات جينية مثل العمى وغيره من الإعاقات العقلية المتنوعة. وتحتل قطر المرتبة الخامسة عالميا من ناحية نسبة المواطنين في المرحلة العمرية ما بين 20 و79 عاما الذين يعانون من السكري. والمرتبة السادسة عالميا من ناحية انتشار السمنة، وبها أعلى معدل للسمنة بين الأطفال في منطقة الشرق الأوسط وشمال إفريقيا. وتبلغ نسبة النساء القطريات اللاتي يعانين من السمنة 73 في المائة، في مقابل 69 في المائة من الرجال. وتقع قطر في المرتبة السادسة عالميا أيضا من ناحية ظهور تشوهات خلقية بالنسبة لكل 1000 مولود حي (أين الاستراتيجية يا وزير الصحة؟!). وعن المخاوف المرتبطة بالهوية والثقافة ينوه التقرير إلى أن القطريين يعيشون داخل دولة لا تكبر عن ولاية كونيتيكت، ويمثلون أقلية وسط أكثر من مليون عامل أجنبي جذبتهم فرص العمل إلى قطر؟!
لقد تناولت في زاويتي المتواضعة في بيتنا الصغير"الشرق"، من العام الماضي إلى الوقت الراهن، ما يزيد على 15 تقريرا من بين عشرات التقارير الإقليمية والدولية عن قطر، في التنمية البشرية، الديمقراطية، المجتمع المدني والأهلي، المرأة، الطفل، حقوق الإنسان، الاتجار بالبشر، تقييم الصحافة، وحرية الرأي والتعبير والنشر، الى جانب قضايا تعليمية، ثقافية، فكرية، اقتصادية، وتجارية، وللأسف لم تنشر الصحف الأخرى أيا من تلك التقارير مع أنها موجودة ومتاحة ومتداولة في المواقع الالكترونية الخاصة بالمنظمات الدولية ويطلع عليها العالم وتنشرها وكالات الأنباء، ويتجاهلها المحسوبون على إعلامنا في قطر. والأدهى والأمر أنه لا يتم طرح هذه القضايا المختلفة على مستوى الحوار الوطني، ولا يتم تناولها في المؤتمرات والندوات والمحاضرات الأسبوعية، التي تعقد في الدوحة وضواحيها، ولا نستطيع حتى أن نعدها أو نعرف من المستفيد من ورائها، ولا تتم مناقشتها في البرامج والمحطات لا المحسوبة على الداخل (التلفزيون والإذاعة الرسميان) ولا في تلك المحسوبة على الخارج غير الرسمية (محطة الجزيرة وتوابعها)؟!
في عصر العولمة لم نعد نستطيع أن نظهر غير ما نبطن، ونعتمد على الترويج الدعائي، والتهليل، والتصفيق، وحرق البخور، وإبراز أشياء وإخفاء الأخرى، فسرعان ما ستنكشف اللعبة وان طالت خيوطها. وأذكر ما صرحت به أوبر وينفري (Oprah Winfrey) منذ مدة في برنامجها المشهور (Oprah)، في التعليق على أسلوب الحياة في إحدى الدول الخليجية الشقيقة، وهي تعني دول الخليج بشكل عام، فهي أشارات إلى أن "المصريين هم من يبني مساكنهم، والهنود هم من يكنس شوارعهم، والفلبينيين يربون أولادهم، الاندونيسيين يحضرون طعامهم، والأمريكيين يتولون الدفاع عنهم، بينما هم يتصرفون كـ «باريس هيلتون»، فهل وصف (أوبرا) صحيح في جله أو بعضه أو جزء منه أو انه ليس صحيحا على الإطلاق؟! هل حان الوقت أن نفتح كل ملفاتنا المغلقة ونتحدث بصراحة وشفافية لنواجه التحديات اليومية والمستقبلية في قطر قبل أن نتطرق للحديث عن اصطلاح منظومة الخليج والجامعة العربية والأمم المتحدة؟!
هل حان الوقت لفتح ملفاتنا المغلقة والتحدث عنها بصر احة وشفافية؟
لماذا يمتنع إعلامنا عن نشر تقارير عالمية تقدم رؤية تحليلية واقعية للمجتمع القطري؟
تقرير "نيويورك تايمز" سلط الضوء على جوانب محورية من حياة القطريين
لم يعد هناك مكان للترويج الدعائي والتهليل والتصفيق وحرق البخور..في عصر العولمة!
السؤال الذي بدأ يثير العديد من التساؤلات المحيرة والمستهجنة أيضا، هو لماذا يمتنع الكثير من الصحف ووسائل الإعلام في قطر عن تناول التقارير العالمية أو الدولية، التي تقدم رؤية تحليلية واقعية للمجتمع القطري، رغما أنها تنشر في وسائل الإعلام الأجنبية والعربية والخليجية وتنقلها المنتديات والمواقع الالكترونية القطرية، ورغم ذلك لا نجد لها أي إشارة في الإعلام المحلي بكل وسائله من تلفزيون وإذاعة وصحافة؟!. تقارير ودراسات كثيرة تنشر بشكل سنوي ودوري تتناول التنمية البشرية في قطر، وأوضاع حقوق الإنسان من وجهة نظر المنظمات العالمية، المجتمع المدني، التغيير في المنظومة الاجتماعية والفكرية، الأوضاع الصحية والنفسية وغيرها. لقد تجاهل بعض الصحف في قطر نشر أو تناول أو التعليق على التقرير، الذي أوردته أشهر صحيفة في العالم على صفحتها الرئيسية في الأسبوع الماضي، وهي صحيفة النيويورك تايمز، تحت عنوان، الثراء يضع خيارات غير صحية في قطر (Privilege Pulls Qatar Toward Unhealthy Choices)، (الترجمة بتصرف)، الأمر الذي اهتمت به وسائل الإعلام العالمية واستأثر بنصيب كبير من التعليقات المختلفة، هل تم التجاهل لان التقرير لم يكن كتلك التقارير، التي اعتدنا عليها في الخليج في السنوات الأخيرة، التي يطرب لها بعض الآذان، خصوصا في الدوحة ودبي والمنامة والكويت بالذات، على شاكلة "المعجزات الصحراوية" أسطورة الصحراء، "ومدن تنبت وسط الكثبان الذهبية"، إلى أن تغير الحال كما نرى يوما بعد الآخر، والتغيير جاء بالتحديد فاجعا بعد كارثة الأزمة الاقتصادية العالمية الأخيرة، فتحول الحديث إلى عناوين مثل "الإمارة والقرية الفقاعة"، و"الجزر الصناعية التي تغوص في الرمال الصحراوية المتحركة"، و"غياب الإنسان والتحسر على بقايا العمران". ورغم ردود الأفعال المتسرعة أحيانا في الإشادة أوالانتقاد، فإن وسائل الإعلام العالمية اليوم تتجاوز الحديث عن الصورة العامة الخارجية، التي لا تكون عاكسة للوضع الحقيقي الداخلي، إلى تقارير مفصلة ودقيقة تركز على عناصر التناقض في المجتمع العالمي، خصوصا العالم العربي؟! مثل الذين يتحدثون عن الديمقراطية في مجتمعات تحكم بقوانين الطوارئ، والتعددية في بلدان تدار من قبل الحزب الواحد، والاستقلالية في المؤسسات المدنية، التي تكون محسوبة على النظام والحكومة، وعن الحرية والتعبير في المؤسسات الصحفية والإعلامية المرتبطة بمؤسسات ووزارات الإعلام وهكذا.
التقرير لم يتطرق إلى "الجزيرة" المحطة العربية الأولى، ومؤسسة قطر للثقافة والعلوم والمجتمع وجامعاتها، ولا المبادرات الدبلوماسية الخارجية، بل ركز على وضعية المحور الرئيسي، وهو الإنسان، الذي يعيش فوق هذه الأرض الطيبة، يشير التقرير إلى أن قطر بالرغم من صغرها، تتميز بالأرقام الكبيرة، حيث يوجد بها ثاني أعلى إجمالي ناتج محلي بالنسبة للفرد في العالم، وثالث أعلى احتياطي غاز طبيعي، ومع ذلك، تحتل ترتيبا متقدما في أشياء أخرى غير مرغوب فيها بدرجة كبيرة، حيث إنها من أكثر الدول التي ينتشر بها مرض السكري والسمنة والاضطرابات الجينية، وذلك حسبما أجمع عليه خبراء صحة (محليون ودوليون)؟! وبحسب الصحيفة فإن القطريين الأصليين، الذين يبلغ عددهم نحو 250 ألف نسمة في دولة يبلغ عدد سكانها 1.6 مليون، يعانون من مشكلات صحية خطيرة ترتبط بصورة مباشرة بنمط حياة له خصوصية وتقف وراءه الثروة البترولية والإصرار على الالتزام بتقاليد مجتمعية مثل زواج الأقارب، الذي قد يؤدي إلى اضطرابات جينية مثل العمى وغيره من الإعاقات العقلية المتنوعة. وتحتل قطر المرتبة الخامسة عالميا من ناحية نسبة المواطنين في المرحلة العمرية ما بين 20 و79 عاما الذين يعانون من السكري. والمرتبة السادسة عالميا من ناحية انتشار السمنة، وبها أعلى معدل للسمنة بين الأطفال في منطقة الشرق الأوسط وشمال إفريقيا. وتبلغ نسبة النساء القطريات اللاتي يعانين من السمنة 73 في المائة، في مقابل 69 في المائة من الرجال. وتقع قطر في المرتبة السادسة عالميا أيضا من ناحية ظهور تشوهات خلقية بالنسبة لكل 1000 مولود حي (أين الاستراتيجية يا وزير الصحة؟!). وعن المخاوف المرتبطة بالهوية والثقافة ينوه التقرير إلى أن القطريين يعيشون داخل دولة لا تكبر عن ولاية كونيتيكت، ويمثلون أقلية وسط أكثر من مليون عامل أجنبي جذبتهم فرص العمل إلى قطر؟!
لقد تناولت في زاويتي المتواضعة في بيتنا الصغير"الشرق"، من العام الماضي إلى الوقت الراهن، ما يزيد على 15 تقريرا من بين عشرات التقارير الإقليمية والدولية عن قطر، في التنمية البشرية، الديمقراطية، المجتمع المدني والأهلي، المرأة، الطفل، حقوق الإنسان، الاتجار بالبشر، تقييم الصحافة، وحرية الرأي والتعبير والنشر، الى جانب قضايا تعليمية، ثقافية، فكرية، اقتصادية، وتجارية، وللأسف لم تنشر الصحف الأخرى أيا من تلك التقارير مع أنها موجودة ومتاحة ومتداولة في المواقع الالكترونية الخاصة بالمنظمات الدولية ويطلع عليها العالم وتنشرها وكالات الأنباء، ويتجاهلها المحسوبون على إعلامنا في قطر. والأدهى والأمر أنه لا يتم طرح هذه القضايا المختلفة على مستوى الحوار الوطني، ولا يتم تناولها في المؤتمرات والندوات والمحاضرات الأسبوعية، التي تعقد في الدوحة وضواحيها، ولا نستطيع حتى أن نعدها أو نعرف من المستفيد من ورائها، ولا تتم مناقشتها في البرامج والمحطات لا المحسوبة على الداخل (التلفزيون والإذاعة الرسميان) ولا في تلك المحسوبة على الخارج غير الرسمية (محطة الجزيرة وتوابعها)؟!
في عصر العولمة لم نعد نستطيع أن نظهر غير ما نبطن، ونعتمد على الترويج الدعائي، والتهليل، والتصفيق، وحرق البخور، وإبراز أشياء وإخفاء الأخرى، فسرعان ما ستنكشف اللعبة وان طالت خيوطها. وأذكر ما صرحت به أوبر وينفري (Oprah Winfrey) منذ مدة في برنامجها المشهور (Oprah)، في التعليق على أسلوب الحياة في إحدى الدول الخليجية الشقيقة، وهي تعني دول الخليج بشكل عام، فهي أشارات إلى أن "المصريين هم من يبني مساكنهم، والهنود هم من يكنس شوارعهم، والفلبينيين يربون أولادهم، الاندونيسيين يحضرون طعامهم، والأمريكيين يتولون الدفاع عنهم، بينما هم يتصرفون كـ «باريس هيلتون»، فهل وصف (أوبرا) صحيح في جله أو بعضه أو جزء منه أو انه ليس صحيحا على الإطلاق؟! هل حان الوقت أن نفتح كل ملفاتنا المغلقة ونتحدث بصراحة وشفافية لنواجه التحديات اليومية والمستقبلية في قطر قبل أن نتطرق للحديث عن اصطلاح منظومة الخليج والجامعة العربية والأمم المتحدة؟!
الأربعاء، 28 أبريل 2010
شبح (المكارثية) الطراثيث والوحدة الوطنية
عالم اليوم الكويتية
حتى بعد خمسين سنة مضت، ما زال الأميركيون يتساءلون كيف استطاع جوزيف مكارثي (Joseph McCarthy) مصادرة شعار الوطنية، وحشر المجتمع في زاوية ضيقة، وتصنيف الناس وتوجيه التهم على نطاق واسع بدون أدلة، ما دفع العشرات من المثقفين والفنانين والكتاب الأميركيين إلى الهجرة أو الانزواء بعيدا عن خطر الاعتقال. والجواب هو الخوف؟! ..
بدأت المكارثية كحملة تبريرية على الشيوعية ساندها المحافظون الذين يعتقدون أنهم أبناء البلد الحقيقيون وأن غيرهم هم الدخلاء والأجانب الذين يسعون إلى سرقة ثروات البلد، ويحاولون السيطرة على الحكومة والبرلمان، ويقومون بنشر الأفكار الهدامة، لتتطور الاتهامات من الشيوعيين إلى اليساريين و الليبراليين والإصلاحيين والنقابيين وكل من يسعى إلى التغيير و إصلاح ظروف العمل وتقليل الفوارق بين الطبقات، وتحسين الأوضاع الاجتماعية والاقتصادية في الولايات المتحدة ؟!. لقد نجح مكارثي في جعل الرأي العام يعتقد أن كل المشاكل التي تعاني منها الدولة تعود لهؤلاء (الهيلق والطراثيث و البياسر)؟!
انتشرت تلك الادعاءات والاتهامات كالنار في الهشيم ، وتأثر بها ملايين الناس في كل مكان، وطالت شظاياها أساتذة الجامعات والفنانين والصحفيين والإعلاميين ورجال الدين. وقامت بعض المؤسسات الحكومية والخاصة حتى تثبت ولاءها ووطنيتها (Patriotism) بوضع أسماء المتهمين من الهيئات والجماعات والشخصيات في قائمة سوداء عممت وكأنها “البيان رقم واحد”، وبسبب هذا القائمة السوداء تم طرد العديد من وظائفهم وباتوا بين عشية وضحاها ضحايا يفترشون الشوارع؟!.
دشن مكارثي عصرا جديدا من القلق والخوف والكذب الوهم والكراهية والمؤامرات أطلق عليه “المكارثية” (McCarthyism) ، وظل كالفرعون يعيث في الأرض فسادا تسانده حبال السحرة وعصيهم في غيبة عصا موسى، إلى أن انجلت الغمة، وعاد الوعي، وحضرت الفكرة، وغابت السكرة، وتمكن عدة أشخاص مازال التاريخ مدينا لهم، من إزالة شبح المكارثية الرهيبة، حين تقدموا إلى الكونغرس بقرار يوجّه له اللوم على أفعاله وألاعيبه ومؤامراته. عاش مكارثي بعدها منبوذا وحيدا معزولا إلى أن مات بسبب الإدمان؟!.
حتى بعد خمسين سنة مضت، ما زال الأميركيون يتساءلون كيف استطاع جوزيف مكارثي (Joseph McCarthy) مصادرة شعار الوطنية، وحشر المجتمع في زاوية ضيقة، وتصنيف الناس وتوجيه التهم على نطاق واسع بدون أدلة، ما دفع العشرات من المثقفين والفنانين والكتاب الأميركيين إلى الهجرة أو الانزواء بعيدا عن خطر الاعتقال. والجواب هو الخوف؟! ..
بدأت المكارثية كحملة تبريرية على الشيوعية ساندها المحافظون الذين يعتقدون أنهم أبناء البلد الحقيقيون وأن غيرهم هم الدخلاء والأجانب الذين يسعون إلى سرقة ثروات البلد، ويحاولون السيطرة على الحكومة والبرلمان، ويقومون بنشر الأفكار الهدامة، لتتطور الاتهامات من الشيوعيين إلى اليساريين و الليبراليين والإصلاحيين والنقابيين وكل من يسعى إلى التغيير و إصلاح ظروف العمل وتقليل الفوارق بين الطبقات، وتحسين الأوضاع الاجتماعية والاقتصادية في الولايات المتحدة ؟!. لقد نجح مكارثي في جعل الرأي العام يعتقد أن كل المشاكل التي تعاني منها الدولة تعود لهؤلاء (الهيلق والطراثيث و البياسر)؟!
انتشرت تلك الادعاءات والاتهامات كالنار في الهشيم ، وتأثر بها ملايين الناس في كل مكان، وطالت شظاياها أساتذة الجامعات والفنانين والصحفيين والإعلاميين ورجال الدين. وقامت بعض المؤسسات الحكومية والخاصة حتى تثبت ولاءها ووطنيتها (Patriotism) بوضع أسماء المتهمين من الهيئات والجماعات والشخصيات في قائمة سوداء عممت وكأنها “البيان رقم واحد”، وبسبب هذا القائمة السوداء تم طرد العديد من وظائفهم وباتوا بين عشية وضحاها ضحايا يفترشون الشوارع؟!.
دشن مكارثي عصرا جديدا من القلق والخوف والكذب الوهم والكراهية والمؤامرات أطلق عليه “المكارثية” (McCarthyism) ، وظل كالفرعون يعيث في الأرض فسادا تسانده حبال السحرة وعصيهم في غيبة عصا موسى، إلى أن انجلت الغمة، وعاد الوعي، وحضرت الفكرة، وغابت السكرة، وتمكن عدة أشخاص مازال التاريخ مدينا لهم، من إزالة شبح المكارثية الرهيبة، حين تقدموا إلى الكونغرس بقرار يوجّه له اللوم على أفعاله وألاعيبه ومؤامراته. عاش مكارثي بعدها منبوذا وحيدا معزولا إلى أن مات بسبب الإدمان؟!.
الاشتراك في:
الرسائل (Atom)